Sao Tomes and Principe

Sao Tome and Principe has never participated in UN peacekeeping operations, and the main reason relies on its complex and divided politics. The political scene of São Tomé and Príncipe is, for such a small country, remarkably complex and divided (EIU 2006al, 4). With regards to military affairs, the Forças Armadas de São Tomé e Príncipe, have been reduced, despite opposition from demobilized soldiers, to 300 (Ibid., 11). Its foreign policy does not favor peacekeeping, because after independence, São Tomé and Príncipe developed close links with several socialist countries, particularly Angola, China, Cuba and East Germany; it still maintains strong ties with Angola (Ibid., 10). And in those times, those countries did not have peacekeeping as part of their foreign policy. Relations with Western countries started to improve in 1985, when the government began to introduce liberal economic reforms (Ibid., 11).

Initial variables of the data collection process:

UN/UN peacekeeping policy reform
No record.

Perception of peacekeeping
No record.

Domestic political environment
The political scene of São Tomé and Príncipe is, for such a small country, remarkably complex and divided (Ibid., 4).

Since presidential and legislative elections in 2001-02, the country has been ruled by a political cohabitation: the presidency is held by a semi-independent candidate, Fradique de Menezes, and there is a hung parliament, divided almost evenly between the Movimento de Libertação de São Tomé e Príncipe-Partido Social Democrata (MLSTP-PSD), formerly the sole ruling party, and a number of other parties. The government is highly unstable, and there are frequent cabinet changes and clashes between the president and the prime minister, as well as a coup attempt in 2003. The country is on the verge of reaping enormous wealth from the oil sector, which will transform this small and poverty-stricken state. (Ibid.)

Following the re-election in July of the president, Fradique de Menezes, and the success of his coalition, Movimento Democrático Forças da Mudança-Partido da Convergência Democrática (MDFM-PCD), in the recent legislative and municipal elections, São Tomé now has a minority government and presidency from the same party (EIU 2006ci, 2). Nevertheless, the chances of peacekeeping participation are very low. And the historical ruling party, MLSTP-PSD, has been plunged into crisis by its recent electoral defeats, but is set to oppose the government from the opposition benches (Ibid.). Thus, it is not likely that São Tomé e Príncipe contribute troops in the near future.

Domestic economic environment
São Tomé is classified by the World Bank as a low-income economy, as its gross national income per head (GNI) was US$330 in 2003; the World Bank classifies countries as low-income if their 2003 GNI per head is US$765 or less (EIU 2006al, 16). :

Historically the country’s economy has been highly dependent on its cocoa exports and has lacked natural resources. Economic development has been constrained by the small size of the economy, extremely low population (estimated at 157,000) and isolation. However, the discovery of oil reserves in the country’s territorial waters in 1998 means that the structure of the economy will be radically altered in the future. Although oil production is expected to start only in 2010, the economy will be transformed earlier, thanks to large investments in the oil sector. (Ibid., 16-17)

“During 2007-2008, the government’s economic priorities will be to manage the imminent influx of oil revenue and satisfy the conditionalities of its poverty reduction and growth facility (PRGF)” (EIU 2006ci, 2). Further “Sao Tome and Principe is trying to shake off its dependence on the cocoa crop” (BBC 2006az, par. 6).

Military affairs
The armed forces, Forças Armadas de São Tomé e Príncipe, have been reduced, despite opposition from demobilized soldiers, to 300 (EIU 2006al, 11). Portugal provides military training and equipment under a bilateral agreement (Ibid.). In the case of wishing to participate, Portugal could play the role of advisor for its military forces. There is no air force (Ibid.). The Presidential Guard numbers 160 and is better equipped than the regular armed forces (Ibid.). The armed forces are a generally weak institution, although they have been the source of two coup attempts in the past decade (Ibid.). This is going to be a challenge, because troops must be trusted by DPKO and the local population of the war zone. There is much friction relating to their poor terms of service, and in 2004 one of the leaders of the failed coup in July 2003, Alércio Costa, demanded better working conditions, warning of unrest in the army (Ibid.).

Foreign policy
After independence, São Tomé and Príncipe developed close links with several socialist countries, particularly Angola, China, Cuba and East Germany; it still maintains strong ties with Angola (Ibid., 10). Relations with Western countries started to improve in 1985, when the government began to introduce liberal economic reforms (Ibid., 11). The former colonial power, Portugal, regained its pre-eminent influence, while France and Brazil have also become important partners (Ibid.).

Additional variables found after the preliminary analysis:

Climate changes
No record.

Independent negotiations taken by DPKO to seek troops
No record.

Independent negotiations taken by contributor countries to engage non-contributor countries
No record.

Meetings organized by other international organizations to engage in dialogue about peacekeeping
São Tomé and Príncipe joined the OAU after independence, signed the Lomé Convention in 1977 and was a founding member of the Communauté économique des États de l'Afrique centrale (CEEAC) in 1983 (Ibid., 11). But nothing has been discussed about its participation in OAU-led peace operations. In 1996 the country participated in the foundation of the seven-member lusophone community, CPLP (Ibid.). In 1997 it joined the 52-member community of francophone countries, OIF (Ibid.).